Joan's Lewis & Clark Geek Page

Saturday 31st August 1805.

[Ordway]     a fare morning.  we Set out eairly and proceeded on 2 miles and passd. Several lodges of the Snake nation of Indians who Stay here to fish.  they catch Sammon in their pots and wires [weirs] which they have made of willows across the River and have more or less in them everry morng.    we bough a nomber of fine large Sammon of them and proceeded on. . . .  one strange Indian seen which is Supposed to be one of the flat head nation.  he ran off, and the Indians could not find him.  we then proceeded on over rough high hills. Some deep Gullies of white earth. Several of the natives followed us.    went about eight miles without water and halted at a large Spring branch to let our horses feed and dine ourselves. Some pitch pine on the mountains which make near the River on each Side.  the River bottoms narrow and verry much dryed up.  the Soil verry indifferent.  we proceeded on over a level Smooth plain abt. 7 miles  then passed the end of a mountain near the River where the Stone lay one on an other & holes So that the horses could Scarsely git along without breaking their legs.  we then proceeded on to a large Creek which falls in on the East Side of the River.  we took a path up Sd. Creek and proceeded on    found wild or choke cherrys along the branch.  also Servis berrys which were ripe.  we Came [blank] miles this day and Camped at Some Indian lodges near the Creek.  one of the hunters killed a deer at dusk and brought it to Camp after dark.—

The Salish people were given the name "Flatheads" by other North American tribes along the Columbia River to the west. They compressed the heads of their babies into a peak by means of a cone-shaped wicker headpiece, making their heads flat. Ordway didn't remember to come back and fill in their mileage. Clark says they came 22 miles, pretty respectable given the size of the group and the difficulty of the trail.

August 30th Friday 1805

[Clark]    a fine Morning, finding that we Could purchase no more horse than we had for our goods &c. (and those not a Sufficint number for each of our Party to have one which is our wish) I Gave my Fuzee to one of the men & Sold his musket for a horse which Completed us to 29 total horses, we Purchased pack Cords Made Saddles & Set out on our rout down the river by land guided by my old guide one other who joined him, the old gude's 3 Sons followed him   before we Set out our hunters killed three Deer . . .  at the time we Set out from the Indian Camps the greater Part of the Band Set out over to the waters of the Missouri.  we had great attention paid to the horses, as they were nearly all Sore Backs and Several pore, & young   Those horses are indifferent, maney Sore backs and others not acustomed to pack, and as we Cannot put large loads on them are Compelled to purchase as maney as we Can to take our Small propotin of baggage of the Parties. (& Eate if necessary) Proceeded on 12 miles to day

Not much too discuss on this one. Ordway says they had 30 horses, rather than 29, but that's not all that interesting. Those who weren't with Clark's group exploring the Salmon River as an option for getting across the mountains repeat the information Clark got from the guide, Toby, a few days ago. That there's an option for going south, but that it's through desert and a hostile tribe and lack of game. Or that they take this route, and will be able to get to the ocean in about 15 days. Obviously, none of the Shoshone had been all the way to the ocean. Or they were telling the captains what they thought they wanted to hear. Oh, what a dismal awakening is waiting for these guys.

August 29th Thursday 1805

[Clark]    a Cold morning Some frost. the Wind from the South, I left our baggage in possession of 2 men and proceeded on up to join Capt Lewis at the upper Village of Snake Indians where I arrived at 1 oClock found him much engaged in Counceling and attempting to purchase a fiew more horses. I Spoke to the Indians on various Subjects endeavoring to impress on theire minds the advantaje it would be to them for to Sell us horses and expedite the our journey the nearest and best way possibly that we might return as Soon as possible and winter with them at Some place where there was plenty of buffalow,— our object wish is to get a horse for each man to Carry our baggage and for Some of the men to ride occasionally, The horses are handsom and much acustomed to be changed as to their Parsture; we cannot Calculate on their carrying large loads & feed on the Grass which we may Calculate on finding in the Mountain Thro which we may expect to pass on our rout...I purchased a horse for which I gave my Pistol 100 Balls Powder & a Knife.    our hunters Killed 2 Deer near their Camp to day.  2 yesterday & 3 The Day before, this meet was a great treat to me as I had eate none for 8 days past

Not much to add to this. They're camped in what is present day Lemhi County, Idaho, near the town of Tendoy. The area, and the various trails they take, are shown here.

August 28th Wednesday 1805

[Clark]    a frost this morning. The Inds. Cought out of their traps Several Sammon and gave us two, I purchased two others which we made last us to day. Several a Camp of about 40 Indians came from the West fork and passed up to day, nothing killed by my party with every exertion in all places where game probably might be found. I dispatched one man to the upper camps to enquire if Cap. Lewis was comeing &c.  he returned after night with a letter from Capt. Lewis informing me of his Situation at the upper Village, and had precured 22 horses for our rout through by land on the plan which I had preposed in which he agreed with me in; and requsted me to ride up and get the horses the Indian informed him they had reserved for me &c. I purchased Some fish roe of those pore but kind people with whome I am Encamped for which I gave three Small fish hooks, the use of which they readily proseved, one Indian out all day & killed only one Sammon with his gig; my hunters killed nothing, I had three pack Saddles made to day for our horses which I expected Capt Lewis would purchase &c. Those Sammon which I live on at present are pleasent eateing, not with standing they weaken me verry fast and my flesh I find is declineing

I don't know why Clark is under the impression that eating salmon is the cause of his weakness and weight loss. It's probably more attributable to the fact that he's just not getting enough to eat. Without the fish, who knows? The man he sent to Lewis was Gass, who has little to report: "I went on to the upper village, where I found Captain Lewis and his party buying horses. They had got 23, which with 2 we had, made in the whole 25. I then returned to our camp, a distance of 15 miles, and arrived there late. I found the weather very cold for the season."

Tuesday 27th August 1805.

[Ordway]    a beautiful pleasant morning.  4 men went out a hunting with horses.  we hoisted the large flag  Capt. Lewis gave one to the head chief and one to the next.  the [Indians] hoisted them also. Capt. Lewis Settled & paid off the Indian women who helped us over the divideing mountain, then began to trade with the natives for horses.  our Intrepter bought one for a red cloak  the Indian women are mostly employed githering and drying Seeds & roots for food.  they git large quantitites of fine black Seed which they grind in to meal between two Stones.... the country around this place is mountainious and broken  Snow now lying a Short distance to the South of us on the broken mountains.  our hunters all returned towards evening  had killed 4 deer and giged 8 or 10 fine fish which we call salmon.  they would wiegh 7 or 8 pound each.  but differ from the Salmon caught in the Salt water, but the reason may be there living So far from the ocean in fresh water  Capt. Lewis bought 8 or 9 horses this day.  the natives do not wish to part with any more of their horses without gitting a higher price for them.  the most of those he has bought as yet was for about 3 or 4 dollars worth of marchandize at the first cost, but we will have to give a little more to git a fiew more horses. in the evening the natives had a war dance and danced with their guns those that had any but they had only three or 4 among them.  they were verry merry but did not dance So regular as the Indians on the Missourie.  their women Sang with them, but did not dance any    they tell us that Some of their horses will dance but they have not brought them out yet.  they have different kinds of plays and games  they have a game which they play most like playing butten only they kick singing and do all by motions  they risk all the property they git for their horses or Some of them but it does not trouble them  they appear to be easy & well contented let the world go as it may

Lewis is taking another writing break, and it will be a couple of weeks until we hear from him again. So Ordway makes an informative stand in for him. The seeds he's talking about the women grinding are probably from the Nuttall sunflower, Helianthus nuttallii T. & G.. The "butten" game he's talking about is probably the hand game, where one player hides a small object in one hand, and the other has to guess which hand holds the object. A pretty simple game, a little like "Who's got the button?" but with gambling.

Monday August 26th 1805.

[Lewis]   This morning was excessively cold; there was ice on the vessels of water which stood exposed to the air nearly a quarter of an inch thick.  we collected our horses and set out at sunrise.  we soon arrived at the extreem source of the Missouri; here I halted a few minutes, the men drank of the water and consoled themselves with the idea of having at length arrived at this long wished for point.  from hence we proceeded to a fine spring on the side of the mountain where I had lain the evening before I first arrived at the Shoshone Camp.  here I halted to dine and graize our horses, there being fine green grass on that part of the hillside which was moistened by the water of the spring while the grass on the other parts was perfectly dry and parched with the sun. . . . one of the women who had been assisting in the transportation of the baggage halted at a little run about a mile behind us, and set on the two pack horses which she had been conducting by one of her female friends. I enquired of Cameahwait the cause of her detention, and was informed by him in an unconcerned manner that she had halted to bring fourth a child and would soon overtake us; in about an hour the woman arrived with her newborn babe and passed us on her way to the camp apparently as well as she ever was. It appears to me that the facility and ease with which the women of the aborigines of North America bring fourth their children is reather a gift of nature than depending as some have supposed on the habitude of carrying heavy burthens on their backs while in a state of pregnancy.  if a pure and dry air, an elivated and cold country is unfavourable to childbirth, we might expect every difficult incident to that operation of nature in this part of the continent; again as the snake Indians possess an abundance of horses, their women are seldom compelled like those in other parts of the continent to carry burthens on their backs, yet they have their children with equal convenience, and it is a rare occurrence for any of them to experience difficulty in childbirth. I have been several times informed by those who were conversent with the fact, that the indian women who are pregnant by whitemen experience more difficulty in childbirth than when pregnant by an Indian.  if this be true it would go far in suport of the opinion I have advanced. . . . after dinner we continued our rout towards the village.  on our near approach we were met by a number of young men on horseback. Cameahwait requested that we would discharge our guns when we arrived in sight of the Village, accordingly when I arrived on an eminence above the village in the plain I drew up the party at open order in a single rank and gave them a runing fire discharging two rounds.  they appeared much gratifyed with this exhibition.  we then proceeded to the village or encampment of brush lodges 32 in number.  we were conducted to a large lodge which had been prepared for me in the center of their encampment which was situated in a beautifull level smooth and extensive bottom near the river about 3 miles above the place I had first found them encamped.  here we arrived at 6 in the evening arranged our baggage near my tent and placed those of the men on either side of the baggage facing outwards. I found Colter here who had just arrived with a letter from Capt. Clark in which Capt. C. had given me an account of his perigrination and the description of the river and country as before detailed [WC: advised the purchase of horses, and the pursute of a rout he had learned from his guid who had promised to pilot ous to a road to the North &c]  from this view of the subject I found it a folly to think of attemping to decend this river in canoes and therefore determined to commence the purchase of horses in the morning from the indians in order to carry into execution the design we had formed of [WC: Capt C had recomended in] passing the rocky Mountains. I now informed Cameahwait of my intended expedition overland to the great river which lay in the plains beyond the mountains and told him that I wished to purchase 20 horses of himself and his people to convey our baggage. he observed that the Minnetares had stolen a great number of their horses this spring but hoped his people would spear me the number I wished. I also asked a [X: nother] guide, he observed that he had no doubt but the old man who was with Capt. C. would accompany us if we wished him and that he was better informed of the country than any of them. matters being thus far arranged I directed the fiddle to be played and the party danced very merily much to the amusement and gratification of the natives, though I must confess that the state of my own mind at this moment did not well accord with the prevailing mirth as I somewhat feared that the caprice of the indians might suddenly induce them to withhold their horses from us without which my hopes of prosicuting my voyage to advantage was lost; however I determined to keep the indians in a good humour if possible, and to loose no time in obtaining the necessary number of horses. I directed the hunters to turn out early in the morning and indeavor to obtain some meat. I had nothing but a little parched corn to eat this evening.

Interesting day. Lewis's observations on child bearing among the natives was intriguing. The total disregard of Cameahwait for the woman's well-being is also interesting. I wonder if she was totally alone, or if another stayed behind to help her. I suppose we'll never know. Clark is still working his way back to Lewis and Co. He has a brief disaster when the horses disappear and his men can't find them, but their Shoshone guide soon locates them, and they move on.

Sunday August 25th 1805.

[Lewis]    This morning loaded our horses and set out a little after sunrise; a few only of the Indians unengaged in assisting us went on as I had yesterday proposed to the Cheif. . . . we proceeded within 2 Ms. of the narrow pass or seven miles from our camp of last evening and halted for dinner. Our hunters joined us at noon with three deer the greater part of which I gave the indians. sometime after we had halted, Charbono mentioned to me with apparent unconcern that he expected to meet all the Indians from the camp on the Columbia tomorrow on their way to the Missouri.  allarmed at this information I asked why he expected to meet them. he then informed me that the 1st Cheif had dispatched some of his young men this morning to this camp requesting the Indians to meet them tomorrow and that himself and those with him would go on with them down the Missouri, and consequently leave me and my baggage on the mountain or thereabouts. I was out of patience with the folly of Charbono who had not sufficient sagacity to see the consequencies which would inevitably flow from such a movement of the indians, and altho' he had been in possession of this information since early in the morning when it had been communicated to him by his Indian woman yet he never mentioned it untill the after noon. I could not forbear speaking to him with some degree of asperity on this occasion. I saw that here was no time to be lost in having those orders countermanded, or that we should not in all probability obtain any more horses or even get my baggage to the waters of the Columbia. I therefore Called the three Cheifs together and having smoked a pipe with them, I asked them if they were men of their words, and whether I could depent on the promises they had made me; they readily answered in the affermative; I then asked them if they had not promised to assist me with my baggage to their camp on the other side of the mountains, or to the place at which Capt. Clark might build the canoes, should I wish it.  they acknowledged that they had. I then asked them why they had requested their people on the other side of the mountain to meet them tomorrow on the mountain where there would be no possibility of our remaining together for the purpose of trading for their horses as they had also promised.  that if they had not promised to have given me their assistance in transporting my baggage to the waters on the other side of the mountain that I should not have attempted to pass the mountains but would have returned down the river and that in that case they would never have seen anymore white men in their country.    that if they wished the white men to be their friends and to assist them against their enemies by furnishing them with arms and keeping their enemies from attacking them that they must never promis us anything which they did not mean to perform. that when I had first seen them they had doubted what I told them about the arrival of the party of whitemen in canoes, that they had been convinced that what I told them on that occasion was true, why then would they doubt what I said on any other point. I told them that they had witnessed my liberality in dividing the meat which my hunters killed with them; and that I should continue to give such of them as assisted me a part of whatever we had ourselves to eat.    and finally concluded by telling them if they intended to keep the promisses they had made me to dispatch one of their young men immediately with orders to their people to remain where they were untill our arrival. the two inferior cheifs said that they wished to assist me and be as good as their word, and that they had not sent for their people, that it was the first Chief who had done so, and they did not approve of the measure.  Cameahwait remained silent for some time, at length he told me that he knew he had done wrong but that he had been induced to that measure from seeing all his people hungary, but as he had promised to give me his assistance he would not in future be worse than his word. I then desired him to send immediately and countermand his orders; acordingly a young man was sent for this purpose and I gave him a handkerchief to engage him in my interest.  this matter being arranged to my satisfaction I called all the women and men together who had been assisting me in the transportation of the baggage and gave them a billet for each horse which they had imployed in that service and informed them when we arrived at the plaice where we should finally halt on the river I would take the billet back and give them merchandize for it.

Charbonneau strikes again. What an exasperating character. He had to have known the import of the information he had, that the Shoshone were intending to desert the Corps. In Cameahwait's defense, his people are hungry, and he must feel a desparate need to take them to hunting grounds down the Missouri. He's in a very difficult position, and it's incredible to me that he eventually chooses to honor his word to Lewis. Meanwhile, Clark is retracing his route back to Lewis.

Saturday August 24th 1805.

[Lewis]    As the Indians who were on their way down the Missouri had a number of spare hoses with them I thought it probable that I could obtain some of them and therefore desired the Cheif to speak to them and inform me whether they would trade.  they gave no positive answer but requested to see the goods which I was willing to give in exchange. I now produced some battle axes which I had made at Fort Mandan with which they were much pleased.  knives also seemed a great demand among them. I soon purchased three horses and a mule.  for each horse I gave an ax a knife handkercheif and a little paint; & for the mule the addition of a knife a shirt handkercheif and a pair of legings; at this price which was quite double that given for the horses, the fellow who sold him made a merit of having bestoed me one of his mules. I consider this mule a great acquisition. These Indians soon told me that they had no more horses for sale and I directed the party to prepare to set out. I had now nine horses and a mule, and two which I had hired made twelve these I had loaded and the Indian women took the ballance of the baggage. I had given the Interpreter some articles with which to purchase a horse for the woman which he had obtained.  at twelve Oclock we set out and passed the river below the forks, directing our rout towards the cove along the track formerly mentioned. . . . I had reached the lower part of the cove when an Indian rode up and informed me that one of my men was very sick and unable to come on. I directed the party to halt at a small run which falls into the creek on Lard. at the lower part of the Cove and rode back about 2 Miles where I found Wiser very ill with a fit of the cholic. I sent Sergt. Ordway who had remained with him for some water and gave him a doze of the essence of Peppermint and laudinum which in the course of half an hour so far recovered him that he was enabled to ride my horse and I proceeded on foot and rejoined the party.  the sun was yet an hour high but the Indians who had for some time impatiently waited my return at length unloaded and turned out their horses and my party had followed there example.  as it was so late and the Indians had prepared their camp for the night I thought it best to acquiess and determined also to remain.   we had traveled only about six miles. . . . I told Cameahwait that my stock of provision was too small to indulge all his people with provision and recommended it to him to advise such as were not assisting us with our baggage to go on to their camp to morrow and wait our arrival; which he did accordingly. Cameahwait literally translated is one who never walks.  he told me that his nation had also given him another name by which he was signalized as a warrior which was Too-et'-te-con'-e or black gun.  these people have many names in the course of their lives, particularly if they become distinguished characters.  for it seems that every important event by which they happen to distinguish themselves intitles them to claim another name which is generally scelected by themselves and confirmed by the nation.  those distinguishing acts are the killing and scalping an enemy, the killing a white bear, leading a party to war who happen to be successfull either in destroying their enemies or robing them of their horses, or individually stealing the horses of an enemy.    these are considered acts of equal heroism among them, and that of killing an enemy without scalping him is considered of no importance; in fact the whole honour seems to be founded in the act of scalping, for if a man happens to slay a dozen of his enemies in action and others get the scalps or first lay their hand on the dead person the honor is lost to him who killed them and devolves on those who scalp or first touch them.  Among the Shoshones, as well as all the Indians of America, bravery is esteemed the primary virtue; nor can any one become eminent among them who has not at some period of his life given proofs of his possessing this virtue.  with them there can be no preferment without some warelike achievement, and so completely interwoven is this principle with the earliest Elements of thought that it will in my opinion prove a serious obstruction to the restoration of a general peace among the nations of the Missouri. . . . The usual caparison of the Shoshone horse is a halter and sadle.  the 1st consists either of a round plated or twisted cord of six or seven strands of buffaloe's hair, or a throng of raw hide made pliant by pounding and rubing.  these cords of bufaloe's hair are about the size of a man's finger and remarkably strong.  this is the kind of halter which is prefered by them.  the halter of whatever it may be composed is always of great length and is never taken from the neck of the horse which they commonly use at any time.  it is first attatched at one end about the neck of the horse with a knot that will not slip, it is then brought down to his under jaw and being passed through the mouth imbaces the under jaw and tonge in a simple noose formed by crossing the rope inderneath the jaw of the horse. . . . the saddle is made of wood and covered with raw hide which holds the parts very firmly together.  it is made like the pack saddles in uce among the French and Spaniards.  it consists of two flat thin boards which fit the sides of the horses back, and are held frirm by two peices which are united to them behind and before on the outer side and which rise to a considerable hight terminating sometimes in flat horizontal points extending outwards, and alwas in an accute angle or short bend underneath the upper part of these peices.  a peice of buffaloe's skin with the hair on, is usually put underneath the saddle; and very seldom any covering on the saddle [NB: but when they ride they throw on a piece of Skin].  stirrups when used are made of wood and covered with leather.  these are generally used by the elderly men and women; the young men scarcely ever use anything more than a small pad of dressed leather stuffed with hair, which is confined with a leather thong passing arond the body of the horse in the manner of a girth.  they frequently paint their favorite horses, and cut their ears in various shapes.  they also decorate their mains and tails, which they never draw or trim, with the feathers of birds, and sometimes suspend at the breast of the horse the finest ornaments they possess. . . . They are excellent horsemen and extreemly expert in casting the cord about the neck of a horse. [NB: Make a noose & catch him running &c] the horses that have been habituated to be taken with the cord in this way, however wild they may appear at first, surrender the moment they feel the cord about their necks.—  There are no horses in this quarter which can with propriety be termed wild.  there are some few which have been left by the indians at large for so great a length of time that they have become shye, but they all shew marks of having been in possession of man.

[Clark]   Set out verry early this morning on my return passed down the [EC: Berry] Creek at the mouth marked my name on a pine Tree, proceed on to the bottom above the Creek & Brackfast on buries & delayed 1 hour, then proceed on up the river by the Same rout we decended to the place I left my party where we arrived at 4 oClock, (I Sliped & bruised my leg verry much on a rock) . . . I wrote a letter to Capt Lewis informing him of the prospects before us and information recved of my guide which I thought favourable &c. & Stating two plans <for> one of which for us to pursue &c. and despatched one man & horse and directed the party to get ready to march back, every man appeared disheartened from the prospects of the river, and nothing to eate . . . The plan I stated to Capt Lewis if he agrees with me we shall adopt is to procure as many horses (one for each man) if possible and to hire my present guide who I sent on to him to interegate thro' the Intprtr. and proceed on by land to Some navagable part of the Columbia River, or to the Ocean, depending on what provisions we can procure by the gun aded to the Small Stock we have on hand depending on our horses as the last resort.  a second plan to divide the party one part to attempt this deficuet river with what provisions we had, and the remaindr to pass by Land on hose back Depending on our gun &c for Provisions &c. and come together occasionally on the river.  <a third to [send?] one party to attempt to pass the mountain by horses, & the other to return to the Missouri Collect provisions & go up Medison rivr> the 1s of which I would be most pleased with &c.

Not too much to add today. Moulton point out, in the discussion about the plains tribes that being the "first to touch an enemy was considered the bravest of war deeds. Whites called this practice 'counting coup,' from the French word for 'blow' or 'strike.' The Shoshones, being strongly influenced by plains culture, had adopted the custom." I had to include everything about the horses because, well, they're horses.

Friday August 23rd 1805.

[Lewis]    This morning I arrose very early and despatched two hunters on horseback with orders to extend their hunt to a greater distance up the S. E. fork than they had done heretofore, in order if possible to obtain some meet for ourselves as well as the Indians who appeared to depend on us for food and our store of provision is growing too low to indulge them with much more corn or flour. . . .  the Indians pursued a mule buck near our camp I saw this chase for about 4 miles it was really entertaining, here were about twelve of them in pursuit of it on horseback, they finally rode it down and killed it.  the all came in about 1 P. M. having killed 2 mule deer and three goats.  this mule buck was the largest deer of any kind I had ever seen. it was nearly as large as a doe Elk. I observed that there was but little division or distribution of the meat they had taken among themselves.  some families had a large stock and others none.  this is not customary among the nations of Indians with whom I have hitherto been acquainted  I asked Cameahwait the reason why the hunters did not divide the meat among themselves; he said that meat was so scarce with them that the men who killed it reserved it for themselves and their own families.  my hunters arrived about 2 in the evening with two mule deer and three common deer. I distributed three of the deer among those families who appeared to have nothing to eat. at three P. M. the expected party of Indians arrived, about 50 men women and Children. I now learnt that most of them were thus far on their way down the valley towards the buffaloe country, and observed that there was a good deel of anxiety on the part of some of those who had promised to assist me over the mountains to accompany this party, I felt some uneasiness on this subject but as they still said they would return with me as they had promised I said nothing to them but resolved to set out in the morning as early as possible.  I dispatched two hunters this evening into the cove to hunt and leave the meat they might kill on the rout we shall pass tomorrow. . . . The metal which we found in possession of these people consited of a few indifferent knives, a few brass kettles some arm bands of iron and brass, a few buttons, woarn as ornaments in their hair, a spear or two of a foot in length and some iron and brass arrow points which they informed me they obtained in exchange for horses from the Crow or Rocky Mountain Indians on the yellowstone River.  the bridlebits and stirrips they obtained from the Spaniards, tho' these were but few.  many of them made use of flint for knives, and with this instrument, skined the animals they killed, dressed their fish and made their arrows; in short they used it for every purpose to which the knife is applyed.  this flint is of no regular form, and if they can only obtain a part of it, an inch or two in length that will cut they are satisfyed, they renew the edge by fleaking off the flint by means of the point of an Elk's or deer's horn.  with the point of a deer or Elk's horn they also form their arrow points of the flint, with a quickness and neatness that is really astonishing. . . . their impliments for making fire is nothing more than a blunt arrow and a peice of well seasoned soft spongey wood such as the willow or cottonwood.  the point of this arrow they apply to this dry stick so near one edge of it that the particles of wood which are seperated from it by the friction of the arrow falls down by it's side in a little pile.  the arrow is held between the palms of the hand with the fingers extended, and being pressed as much as possible against the peice is briskly rolled between the palms of the hands backwards and forwards by pressing the arrow downwards the hands of course in rolling arrow also decend; they bring them back with a quick motion and repeat the operation till the dust by the friction takes fire; the peice and arrow are then removed and some dry grass or doated wood is added.  it astonished me to see in what little time these people would kindle fire in this way.  in less than a minute they will produce fire.

A few more intersting ethnographic observations from Lewis. There's a great deal more in this entry about their armaments and armor, if you're interested. Lewis is anxious to be moving on having reports from the Shoshone that the snows are about to come in the Rockies. He's ready to meet up with Clark and find out what lies ahead. Speaking of which, there's some pretty bad news on that front. Clark is not finding a navigable water route via the Salmon, and is seeing some of the most rugged country in the lower 48, still a roadless wilderness area.

[Clark]   We Set out early  proceed on with great dificuelty as the rocks were So Sharp large and unsettled and the hill sides Steep that the horses could with the greatest risque and dificulty get on, no provisions as the 5 Sammons given us yesterday by the Indians were eaten last night, one goose killed this morning; at 4 miles we came to a place the horses Could not pass without going into the river, we passed one mile to a verry bad riffle the water Confined in a narrow Channel & beeting against the left Shore, as we have no parth further and the Mounts. jut So close as to prevent the possibiley of horses proceeding down, I deturmined to delay the party here and with my guide and three men proceed on down to examine if the river continued bad or was practiable. . . . The River from the place I left my party to this Creek is almost one continued rapid, five verry Considerable rapids the passage of either with Canoes is entirely impossable, as the water is Confined betwen hugh Rocks & the Current beeting from one against another for Some distance below &c. &c.  at one of those rapids the mountains Close So Clost as to prevent a possibility of a portage with great labour in Cutting down the Side of the hill removeing large rocks &c. &c.  all the others may be passed by takeing every thing over Slipery rocks, and the Smaller ones Passed by letting down the Canoes empty with Cords, as running them would certainly be productive of the loss of Some Canoes, those dificuelties and necessary precautions would delay us an emince time in which provisions would be necessary. . . .

Thursday August 22ed 1805

[Lewis]    late last night Drewyer returned with a fawn he had killed and a considerable quantity of Indian plunder.    the anecdote with rispect to the latter is perhaps worthy of relation.  he informed me that while hunting in the Cove yesterday about 12 OCk. he came suddonly upon an Indian Camp, at which there were a young man an Old man a boy and three women, that they seemed but little supprised at seeing him and he rode up to them and dismounted turning horse out to graize.  these people had just finished their repast on some roots, he entered into conversation with them by signs, and after about 20 minutes one of the women spoke to the others of the party and they all went immediately and collected their horses brought them to camp and saddled them  at this moment he thought he would also set out and continue his hunt, and accorgingly walked to catch his horse at some little distance and neglected to take up his gun which, he left at camp.  the Indians perceiving him at the distance of fifty paces immediately mounted their horses, the young man took the gun and the whole of them left their baggage and laid whip to their horses directing their course to the pass of the mountains.  finding himself deprived of his gun he immediately mounted his horse and pursued; after runing them about 10 miles the horses of two of the women nearly gave out and the young fellow with the gun from their frequent crys slackened his pace and being on a very fleet horse road around the women at a little distance  at length Drewer overtook the women and by signs convinced them that he did not wish to hirt them  they then halted and the young fellow approached still nearer, he asked him for his gun but the only part of the answer which he could understand was pah kee which he knew to be the name by which they called their enimies.  watching his opportunity when the fellow was off his guard he suddonly rode along side of him seized his gun and wrest her out of his hands.  the fellow finding Drewyer too strong for him and discovering that he must yeald the gun had pesents of mind to open the pan and cast the priming before he let the gun escape from his hands; now finding himself devested of the gun he turned his horse about and laid whip leaving the women to follow him as well as they could. Drewyer now returned to the place they had left their baggage and brought it with him to my camp. . . . I had set most of the men at work today to dress the deerskin belonging to those who had gone on command with Capt. Clark.  at 11 A. M. Charbono the Indian Woman, Cameahwait and about 50 men with a number of women and children arrived.  they encamped near us.  after they had turned out their horses and arranged their camp I called the Cheifs and warriors together and addressed them a second time; gave them some further presents, particularly the second and third Cheifs who it appeared had agreeably to their promise exerted themselves in my favour.  having no fresh meat and these poor devils half starved I had previously prepared a good meal for them all of boiled corn and beans which I gave them as soon as the council was over and I had distributed the presents.  this was thankfully received by them. . . . late in the evening I made the men form a bush drag, and with it in about 2 hours they caught 528 very good fish, most of them large trout.    among them I now for the first time saw ten or a douzen of a whte speceis of trout.  they are of a silvery colour except on the back and head, where they are of a bluish cast.  the scales are much larger than the speckled trout, but in their form position of their fins teeth mouth &c they are precisely like them  they are not generally quite as large but equally well flavored. I distributed much the greater portion of the fish among the Indians. I purchased five good horses of them very reasonably, or at least for about the value of six dollars a peice in merchandize.  the Indians are very orderly and do not croud about our camp nor attempt to disterb any article they see lying about.  they borrow knives kettles &c from the men and always carefully return them. . . .

Drouillard's plunder from the Indians consisted of a few hides, some tools and materials for making arrowheads, and a number and variety of dried roots and bulbs, which Lewis cooked up and tasted, most of which he didn't like. The loss of a gun would have been extremely serious to the corps, particularly from their primary hunter. At the same time, the relative loss of the hides, implements, and food to the natives is huge. Not a shining moment for the group, in my opinion. The new trout variety Lewis describes is probably steelhead trout, Salmo gairdneri, a species new to science. Clark is also making a discovery, one of my favorites, the Clark's nutcracker or Nucifraga columbiana (Lewis names the bird for his friend). Clark also terrorizes (quite unwittingly) a group of Shoshone.

[Clark]   We Set out early passed a Small Creek on the right at 1 mile and the points of four mountains verry Steap high & rockey, the assent of three was So Steap that it is incrediable to describe the rocks in maney places loose & Sliped from those mountains and is a <Solid> bed of rugid loose white and dark brown loose rock for miles.  the Indian horses pass over those Clifts hills Sids & rocks as fast as a man, the three horses with me do not detain me any on account of those dificuelties, passed two bold rung. Streams on the right and a Small river [EC: Fish Cr. also on its right] at the mouth of Which Several families of Indians were encamped and had Several Scaffolds of fish & buries drying  we allarmed them verry much as they knew nothing of a white man being in their Countrey, and at the time we approached their lodges which was in a thick place of bushes—my guiedes were behind.—  They offered every thing they possessed (which was verry littl) to us, Some run off and hid in the bushes The first offer of theirs were Elks tuskes from around their Childrens necks, Sammon &c. my guide <Soon> attempted passifyed those people and they Set before me berres, & fish to eate, I gave a fiew Small articles to those fritened people which added verry much to their pasification but not entirely as Some of the women & Childn. Cried dureing my Stay of an hour at this place.... I Saw to day Bird of the wood pecker kind which fed on Pine burs its Bill and tale white the wings black every other part of a light brown, and about the Size of a robin.